November 26, 2010 In Portland, Oregon, Muhammad Osman Muhammad, a 19-year-old Somali-born American citizen, stood near the city's Pioneer Court and hit a cell phone number. He thinks the phone will be placed near a bomb, in a crowded Christmas tree lighting ceremony. In fact, Muhammad was cheated for a long time F.B.I. Terrorist action. The agent arrested him.
In 2013, after a two-week trial, the jury judged Muhammad to try to use weapons of mass destruction. He was sentenced to three years in prison. Only after the trial, the government informed the court that some of the evidence used was obtained under section 702 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act (FISA), which would allow for unsecured surveillance of Americans who communicate with foreigners for intelligence gathering The
Mohamud's lawyer believes that his verdict should be abandoned because, among other reasons, the use of FISA evidence violates the defendant's fourth amendment right against unreasonable searches. In December last year, the Federal Court of Appeals of the Ninth Circuit Court ruled Mohamud. It argues that the government can use the evidence collected without warrant to conduct a criminal trial because the collection is "accidental" in the course of the permitted action and, in any case, "intellectual exception" to assure the requirement.
The appeal decision, in a sense, is consistent with the sedentary and tough rhetoric of the Trump government on terrorism. But the fact is that the United States to monitor the evidence of national investigation, if it accused foreign intelligence agencies, may lead to a US citizen's criminal case should be to Trump President pause, especially taking into account the FBI is conducting an investigation allegedly, General consultants and Russian intelligence and government officials.
Trump government has seen the first national security adviser Michael Flynn (Michael Flynn) after the resignation, he revealed Flynn and the Russian ambassador to Washington Sergei Keith Liya between the dialogue content and Flynn In public and vice president Mike Burns. Flynn, a professional military intelligence officer, should be aware that Kislyak may be the target of US foreign intelligence gathering, and any dialogue with him may be intercepted and transcribed. Flynn's seemingly dirty fee gives him his office, but his fate offers a broader warning that any Trump Advisor who works with the Russian Federation to participate in US intelligence operations.
On 14 February, the Times reported that "telephone records and intercepted calls" indicated that members of the Trump presidential campaign and other advisers had repeatedly engaged with Russian intelligence officials one year before the election of Trump. Do not know the level of detail of this evidence, why it was collected in the first place, or whether it provided any signs of misconduct. (James Clap, who served as director of national intelligence until Trump's inauguration, told Sunday "journalist" that when he left the office he knew "there is no evidence of the collusion between the Trump movement and Russia."
The appeal decision, in a sense, is consistent with the sedentary and tough rhetoric of the Trump government on terrorism. But the fact is that the United States to monitor the evidence of national investigation, if it accused foreign intelligence agencies, may lead to a US citizen's criminal case should be to Trump President pause, especially taking into account the FBI is conducting an investigation allegedly, General consultants and Russian intelligence and government officials.
Trump government has seen the first national security adviser Michael Flynn (Michael Flynn) after the resignation, he revealed Flynn and the Russian ambassador to Washington Sergei Keith Liya between the dialogue content and Flynn In public and vice president Mike Burns. Flynn, a professional military intelligence officer, should be aware that Kislyak may be the target of US foreign intelligence gathering, and any dialogue with him may be intercepted and transcribed. Flynn's seemingly dirty fee gives him his office, but his fate offers a broader warning that any Trump Advisor who works with the Russian Federation to participate in US intelligence operations.
On 14 February, the Times reported that "telephone records and intercepted calls" indicated that members of the Trump presidential campaign and other advisers had repeatedly engaged with Russian intelligence officials one year before the election of Trump. Do not know the level of detail of this evidence, why it was collected in the first place, or whether it provided any signs of misconduct. (James Clap, who served as director of national intelligence until Trump's inauguration, told Sunday "journalist" that when he left the office he knew "there is no evidence of the collusion between the Trump movement and Russia."
In any case, the background of the F.B.I. survey is different from what happened 20 years ago - not just Trump. Since 2001, the US Patriot Act and other extensions to anti-terrorist authorities and programs have made it easier for governments to use information collected for informational purposes, with or without warrant, to support criminal prosecution against any American. Often, this happens in cases involving terrorism, intelligence operations or espionage, but allegations at the end of these dark evidence collection may also involve financial, perjury, and even news disclosure.
Section 702 of FISA is one of the main means of monitoring the policy. It was promulgated in its current form in 2008 and authorized the Attorney General and the Director of National Intelligence to target people who were not US citizens or permanent residents and were considered overseas. However, according to its procedures, investigators can collect telephone and e-mail records from US companies. This is one of the legal frameworks for secret plans for large-scale electronic and telephone records collection, such as plans by Edward Snowdon. The law should prevent abuse, such as "reverse targets", for example, to establish surveillance of Russian spies when the real purpose is to collect evidence against Americans who are likely to be in contact with the spy - the system is highly classified and not being examined in public courts.s
Section 702 of FISA is one of the main means of monitoring the policy. It was promulgated in its current form in 2008 and authorized the Attorney General and the Director of National Intelligence to target people who were not US citizens or permanent residents and were considered overseas. However, according to its procedures, investigators can collect telephone and e-mail records from US companies. This is one of the legal frameworks for secret plans for large-scale electronic and telephone records collection, such as plans by Edward Snowdon. The law should prevent abuse, such as "reverse targets", for example, to establish surveillance of Russian spies when the real purpose is to collect evidence against Americans who are likely to be in contact with the spy - the system is highly classified and not being examined in public courts.s
